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It is the second-largest city, urban area and metropolitan area in England and the United Kingdom , [b] with roughly 1. A market town of Warwickshire in the medieval period, Birmingham grew in the 18th-century Midlands Enlightenment and subsequent Industrial Revolution , which saw advances in science, technology, and economic development, producing a series of innovations that laid many of the foundations of modern industrial society.
The Watt steam engine was invented in Birmingham. The resulting high level of social mobility also fostered a culture of political radicalism which, under leaders from Thomas Attwood to Joseph Chamberlain , was to give it a political influence unparalleled in Britain outside London, and a pivotal role in the development of British democracy.
The damage done to the city’s infrastructure, in addition to a deliberate policy of demolition and new building by planners, led to extensive urban regeneration in subsequent decades. Birmingham’s economy is now dominated by the service sector. The development of Birmingham into a significant urban and commercial centre began in , when the Lord of the Manor Peter de Bermingham obtained a charter to hold a market at his castle , and followed this with the creation of a planned market town and seigneurial borough within his demesne or manorial estate, around the site that became the Bull Ring.
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The growing visibility of Islam in the public spaces of Western societies is often interpreted in the media as a sign of Muslim radicalisation. This article questions this postulate by examining the flourishing Muslim marriage industry in the UK. Informed by long-term ethnographic fieldwork in the British field of Islamic law, this article examines a Muslim speed-dating event, which took place in central London in It investigates how Islamic morality is maintained and negotiated in everyday social interactions rather than cultivated via discipline and the pursuit of virtuous dispositions.
In the media, as well as in political discourse, the growing visibility of Islam in the public space of Western societies is often interpreted as proof of the rise of religious fundamentalism. This visibility is often considered problematic as it is understood as a sign of the resurgence of orthodox religious practices. I suggest that these modes of ethical engagement should not be interpreted as signs of communitarian withdrawal but rather as manifestations of a new public culture where religious difference is celebrated as a form of distinction.
This article is based on twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork begun in Footnote 1 and continued in Footnote 2 and — Footnote 3 in England in London and in Birmingham in diverse spaces where Islamic norms have made their appearance, particularly amidst the flourishing Muslim marriage industry. The purpose of this study was to provide an empirically grounded representation of the Islamic legal culture of the UK as it routinely finds expression in various spheres of life, politics, consumption, leisure and sociability.
Moving away from the methodological individualism that dominates in debates on multiculturalism, this work explores zones of tensions and interpenetrations between secular and religious notions of justice, as well as the power of the collective imagination in shaping Islamically responsible subjects. Informed by my long-term immersion in the field of Islamic law in the UK, I analyse the tensions that emerge when gender norms derived from Islamic prescriptions related to modesty and self-restraint come to contradict the logics of the liberal market, which incites customers to maximise value for money.
As this term enters into currency, it gradually loses its original prescriptive value and takes on new cultural and identitarian meanings. Because such situations generate ambiguities and misunderstandings, they provide interesting insights on the implicit rules that regulate the secular public sphere.